Американская военная машина. Глубинная политика, глобальная связь ЦРУ с наркотиками и путь в Афганистан - Peter Dale Scott
11. Drinkhall, “IRS vs. CIA.”
12. CIA Memo of August 18, 1976, for Chief, Security Analysis Group, NARA #104-10059-10013. The margin of the memo carries the following handwritten reference to Sam Giancana, the major figure in the CIA–Mafia assassination plots against Fidel Castro: “for file/Sam GIANCANA/not mentioned.”
13. Jonathan Marshall, Drug Wars: Corruption, Counterinsurgency and Covert Operations in the Third World (Forestville, CA: Cohan and Cohen, 1991), 54, citing Drinkhall, “IRS vs. CIA.”
14. Block notes that the spin-off of I.D.C. from Benguet was accompanied by a “payment of $329,439 to a Hong Kong Bank” (possibly into a Marcos account) (Block, Masters of Paradise, 98).
15. Profits from the Philippine gold mine—and possibly gold itself—reached I.D.C. from Asia. But I have not seen corroboration for the claim of Sterling and Peggy Seagrave that Groves and Helliwell were actually moving parts of the Japanese wartime gold hoard to the Bahamas “out of the Philippines, masquerading as gold from Benguet Mines” (Sterling Seagrave and Peggy Seagrave, Gold Warriors: America’s Secret Recovery of Yamashita’s Gold [London: Verso, 2003], 147). It is, however, of interest that the Marcos family also entered into business dealings with the CIA-related Nugan Hand Bank (see the following discussion), which some say included negotiations for the surreptitious shipment of Marcos’s gold (Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots [New York: Norton, 1987], 182, 186–87, 190).
16. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 279–80, 400–401. Lim Seng’s sources, Sukree Sukreepirom in Bangkok and Ng Sik-ho in Hong Kong, were part of the connection taken over by Ma Sik-yu and Ma Sik-chun, who as we saw in chapter 5 were believed by Hong Kong police to have met with Santos Trafficante in 1968 (McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 400, 404, 410–11).
17. Sterling Seagrave, The Marcos Dynasty (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 326; cf. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, 400. In Gold Warriors, Seagrave and Seagrave argue that the Benguet–Nassau–Helliwell connection was used to move the Japanese war gold to the Bahamas “as part of an elaborate money-laundering scheme that included washing drug profits” (Seagrave and Seagrave, Gold Warriors, 147, cf. 209).
18. Penny Lernoux, In Banks We Trust (Garden City, NY: Anchor/Doubleday, 1984), 83.
19. Marshall, Drug Wars, 54–55. Cf. U.S. Congress, House, Committee on Government Operations, Oversight Hearings into the Operations of the IRS (Operation Tradewinds, Project Haven, and Narcotics Traffickers Tax Program), Hearings (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1975), 909; Peter Dale Scott, Coming to Jakarta: A Poem about Terror (New York: New Directions, 1989), 99–103. It is not known if ID Corp. and I.D.C. were related.
20. For the CIA’s close involvement in Lockheed payoffs, see Anthony Sampson, The Arms Bazaar (New York: Viking, 1977), 137, 227–28, 238. The U.S. Air Force was also involved. San Francisco Chronicle, October 24, 1983, 22, describes one such air force–Lockheed operation in Southeast Asia “code-named ‘Operation Buttercup’ that operated out of Norton Air Force Base in California from 1965 to 1972.”
21. Peter Dale Scott, “The United States and the Overthrow of Sukarno, 1965–1967,” Pacific Affairs 58 no. 2 (Summer 1985): 239–64, http://www.namebase.org/scott.html: “A 1976 Senate investigation into these [Lockheed] payoffs revealed, almost inadvertently, that in May 1965, over the legal objections of Lockheed’s counsel, Lockheed commissions in Indonesia had been redirected to a new contract and company set up by the firm’s long-time local agent or middleman. Its internal memos at the time show no reasons for the change, but in a later memo the economic counselor of the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta is reported as saying that there were ‘some political considerations behind it.’ If this is true, it would suggest that in May 1965, five months before the coup, Lockheed had redirected its payoffs to a new political eminence at the risk (as its assistant chief counsel pointed out) of being sued for default on its former contractual obligations.”
22. George Aditjondro, Washington Post, January 25, 1998, C1. The other was Liem Sioe Liong, noted earlier as one of the godfathers initially banked by Phao Sriyanon’s Sino-Thai banker Chin Sophonpanich.
23. A Senate amendment in 1964 to cut off all aid to Indonesia unconditionally was quietly killed in conference committee on the misleading ground that the Foreign Assistance Act “requires the President to report fully and concurrently to both Houses of the Congress on any assistance furnished to Indonesia” (U.S. Cong., Senate, Report No. 88-1925, Foreign Assistance Act of 1964, 11). In fact, the act’s requirement that the president report “to Congress” applied to eighteen other countries, but in the case of Indonesia he was to report to two Senate committees and the Speaker of the House (Foreign Assistance Act, Section 620[j]).
24. Tom J. Farer, Transnational Crime in the Americas: An Inter-American Dialogue Book (New York: Routledge, 1999), 65.
25. Ed Reid and Ovid Demaris, The Green Felt Jungle (New York: Pocket Books, 1964), 217–20. Levinson had fronted for Lansky at the Sands casino in Las Vegas.
26. Peter Dale Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War: The United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2003), 7, 60–61, 198, 207, citing Lernoux, In Banks We Trust, 42–44, 84.
27. Naylor, Hot Money and the Politics of Debt, 22. It is impossible to describe Tibor Rosenbaum justly in a footnote. A wartime hero of the Jewish underground who at great risk saved the lives of many Hungarian Jews, he became a Mossad agent in 1951 and founded the International Credit Bank with Edmond de Rothschild to fund Mossad operations. In this capacity he became involved with Meyer Lansky. Rosenbaum was also reportedly invited by his friend Prince Bernhard of
